Opinio Juris

A weblog dedicated to reports, commentary, and debate on current developments and scholarship
in the fields of international law and politics

Thursday, July 3, 2008

ECHR Decision on Confessions Under the Threat of Torture
Antoine Buyse at the ECHR Blog has posted an analysis of Gafgen v. Germany, a decision handed down by the ECHR on Monday concerning the admissibility of evidence resulting from statements made under the threat of torture. Here's the background:
In 2003, the applicant, Magnus Gäfgen, was sentenced to life imprisonment for the murder of J., the eleven year old son, of a rich bankers family from Frankfurt am Main. Gäfgen had lured the boy into his home and subsequently killed him. That same day he dropped the corpse of the boy into a pond. He had then demanded a ransom of one million euros from the family, without disclosing that J. was already dead. Shortly after picking up the ransom, Gäfgen was arrested.

The case centres on what occurred next: thinking that the boy was still alive but in grave danger, the police officers questioning Gäfgen threatened him with considerable pain if he did not reveal where the child was. As a result, Gäfgen disclosed where the corpse could be found. At the start of the trial, Gäfgen complained that his confession had been made under the threat of torture.
Buyse explains that:
The Court first concluded that the threat, would it have been carried out, would have amounted to torture and that a threat of torture amounted to inhuman treatment. The threat itself, however, was not torture.
The opinion then states:
the Court finds that the treatment the applicant was threatened with would, if carried out, amount to torture. However, the questioning lasted for some ten minutes only and, as was established in the criminal proceedings against the police officers (...), took place in an atmosphere of heightened tension and emotions owing to the fact that the police officers, who were completely exhausted and under extreme pressure, believed that they had only a few hours to save J.'s life, elements which can be regarded as mitigating factors...
Buyse's post considers this issue of mitigation (which he finds "somewhat puzzling" in light of the absolute prohibition on torture) and the balancing test that the ECHR seems to use in deciding whether or not torture has taken place. For a full explanation of these issues, as well as how this affects evidentiary and fair trial issues under the European Convention, see his full post.

Friday, June 20, 2008

Avena is Back at the ICJ: What's the Point?
What exactly does Mexico hope to accomplish in its proceeding for a "Request for an Interpretation" of the 2004 ICJ Avena Judgment? The ICJ held hearings today (transcript here) and the International Herald Tribune has a nice account here. I understand that there is an international legal argument to be made here, but it is hard to see how any new judgment from the ICJ will have any more of a domestic legal effect than its earlier ones. And since the U.S. government has already acknowledged the requirements of the original ICJ judgment in Avena, all that will happen here is more international posturing by the ICJ, more hand-wringing by the U.S. government, and more posturing by Texas.

Mexico needs to shut down its legal team (as good as they are), and starting using its diplomats. Congress is the obvious place to start, but given the urgency, Texas (and its commutation board) is the other place to go. The ICJ may provide yet another judgment (and its willingness to act quickly in scheduling its public hearing two weeks after Mexico's application) which will be again ignored by Texas.

Monday, June 16, 2008

ITLOS Elections
Last week, the states parties to the U.N. Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) held elections for seven of the 21 seats on the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea (ITLOS). Here are the results:
Among those seven members, Judge Wolfrum (Germany), Judge Akl(Lebanon), Judge Marotta Rangel (Brazil), Judge Chandrasekhara Rao (India) and Judge Jesus (Cape Verde) were re-elected and Mr Bouguetaia (Algeria) and Mr Golitsyn (Russian Federation) were newly elected by the States Parties. The biographies of the judges who were re-elected are available on the website of the Tribunal and those of Mr Bouguetaia and Mr Golitsyn may be found in document SPLOS/173 which is available on the website of the Division for Ocean Affairs and the Law of the Sea of the United Nations at www.un.org/Depts/los.
Now, if ITLOS could just get some work to occupy the judges' time. Assuming compulsory dispute settlement is warranted, UNCLOS states parties can select arbitration or the ICJ in lieu of ITLOS to hear their law of the sea-related disputes. Although ITLOS has great digs (paid for by the German government and the City of Hamburg, and given to ITLOS rent-free), states seem to have a strong aversion to utilizing the tribunal for such cases. At present, ITLOS has ONE pending case—between Chile and the European Community over swordfish stocks in the South-Eastern Pacific Ocean. That case, however, isn’t giving the tribunal much to do, seeing as it’s on hiatus through January 1, 2009 as the parties try and negotiate their own compromise. Since the first 21 judges were elected in 1996, ITLOS has heard 15 cases, so the current situation is not all that surprising. But with a 2007-2008 budget of over 17 million euros, I’ve got to wonder how long the Tribunal can sustain such a nominal case-load.

Thursday, June 5, 2008

Avena Goes Back to the ICJ
Mexico is returning to the ICJ to seek an interpretation of the Avena judgment. Here is an excerpt from the press release:


Today Mexico filed a Request for interpretation of the Judgment delivered on 31 March 2004 by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in the case concerning Avena and Other Mexican Nationals (Mexico v. United States of America). Mexico invokes Article 60 of the Statute of the Court, which provides that: “In the event of dispute as to the meaning or scope of the judgment, the Court shall construe it upon the request of any party.” A request for interpretation opens a new case. Mexico notes that in previous cases, the Court ruled that its jurisdiction to provide an interpretation of one of its own judgments “[was] a special jurisdiction deriving directly from Article 60 of the Statute”. In its Request Mexico recalls that, in the above-mentioned Avena Judgment, the Court inter alia found “that the United States had breached Article 36 of the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations in the cases of 51 Mexican nationals by failing to inform them . . . of their rights to consular access and assistance”; and that the Court determined, in paragraph 153 (9) of the Judgment, the remedial obligations incumbent upon the United States. Mexico contends that “a fundamental dispute” has arisen “between the parties as to the scope and meaning” of paragraph 153 (9) and that the Court needs “to provide guidance to the parties”....

Accordingly, Mexico asks the Court “to adjudge and declare that the obligation incumbent upon the United States under paragraph 153 (9) of the Avena Judgment constitutes an obligation of result as it is clearly stated in the Judgment by the indication that the United States must provide ‘review and reconsideration of the convictions and sentences’ but leaving it the ‘means of its own choosing’; and that, pursuant to the foregoing obligation of result,(1) the United States must take any and all steps necessary to provide the reparation of review and reconsideration mandated by the Avena Judgment; and (2) the United States must take any and all steps necessary to ensure that no Mexican national entitled to review and reconsideration under the Avena Judgment is executed unless and until that review and reconsideration is completed and it is determined that no prejudice resulted from the violation.” Today Mexico also filed in the Registry an urgent Request for the indication of provisional measures in accordance with Article 41 of the Statute. This article provides that “the Court shall have the power to indicate, if it considers that circumstances so require, any provision or measures which ought to be taken to preserve the respective rights of either Party”. Mexico explains that “provisional measures are clearly justified in order both to protect Mexico’s paramount interest in the life of its nationals and to ensure the Court’s ability to order the relief Mexico seeks”.
New Blog on the European Convention on Human Rights
Dr. Antoine Buyse of the Netherlands Institute of Human Rights (SIM), Utrecht University, has started a new blog on the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms.

Posts are on topics as diverse as the use of separate opinions by the European Court of Human Rights, a review of a case on whether envrionment-friendly wind turbines are a nuisance (thus showing potentially novel conflict between human rights law and environmental policy), recent cases concerning disappearances in Chechnya, and the implementation of judgments.

This looks like it will be a great resource for anyone interested in human rights, international courts, and/or comparative law.

Welcome to the blogosphere!

Wednesday, June 4, 2008

Djibouti's Somewhat Silly Case Against France is Rightly Rejected by the ICJ
The ICJ issued a decision today in a relatively inconsequential and somewhat silly case brought by Djibouti against France in the ICJ relating to a French criminal investigation of the 2002 death of a French judge in Djibouti. Djibouti alleged that France had violated its obligations under a 1986 Convention on Mutual Assistance in Criminal Matters and a 1977 Friendship, Commerce, and Navigation Treaty by failing to execute letters rogatory from Djibouti seeking the case file of the French criminal investigation and by violating the immunities of its top governmental officials.

The background here is that the French investigation has led to charges against two top aides to the Djibouti president. Oh, and Djibouti just happens to be the location of France's largest military base in Africa. So France specifically gave consent to the ICJ's jurisdiction, even though it did not have to under the ICJ Statute or any other treaty it has with Djibouti.

The ICJ found it had jurisdiction but found that the failure to execute the letters rogatory did not violate the 1986 Convention, although the failure to explain why such letters were not executed did violate said Convention. Nor did France's investigations of top Djibouti officials violate the customary laws granting such officials immunity and the 1973 Treaty on the Prevention and Punishment of Crimes for Internationally Protected Persons.

Thus, France's only violation was failing to explain why it did not execute Djibouti's letters rogatory. But the ICJ then found that the only remedy necessary at this point is the ICJ's finding of such a violation, which constitutes "appropriate satisfaction" for Djibouti.

At the end of the day, this is the type of not very important or particularly persuasive case which should not really have been brought, or if brought, should have been dismissed more quickly. There was no very serious argument here that France violated the extremely vague 1986 convention, and there is no argument at all that it violated the 1974 Protected Persons convention.

The ICJ made quick work of this case (at least under its own standards), resolving it only 18 months after it was filed in January 2006. But even 18 months is still kind of ridiculous for a case which seemed to have no serious chance of success for Djibouti.

On the other hand, one might find the ICJ process a real success, because it allows the two parties (Djibouti and France) to dump a messy problem into the ICJ basket, separating it from other aspects of their bilateral relationship. In this view, the longer the ICJ takes, the better.

Tuesday, May 27, 2008

ICJ Issues Judgment in Malaysia/Singapore Case
On Friday, the ICJ issued its judgment in Sovereignty over Pedra Branca/Pulau Batu Puteh, Middle Rocks and South Ledge (Malaysia/Singapore). A summary sent by the ICJ stated that
it had found by 12 votes to four that Pedra Blanca/Pulau Batu Puteh, a granite island in the Straits of Singapore on which a lighthouse stands, belongs to Singapore and has done so since at least 1980, when the dispute between the two countries crystallized.

In the case of Middle Rocks, which consist of a group of rocks that are permanently above water, the ICJ … ruled 15 to one that it belongs to Malaysia.

The court also noted that South Ledge, a nearby low-tide elevation, falls within the apparently overlapping territorial waters generated by Pedra Blanca/Pulau Batu Puteh and by Middle Rocks. Given that the two countries have not asked the court to draw the line of delimitation, the judges said, by 15 to one, that sovereignty belongs to the State in the territorial waters of which it is located.
The press release, including a detailed summary of the opinion, is here and the full opinion available here.

Friday, May 2, 2008

The Role of Precedent at the WTO
Earlier this week the WTO Appellate Body clarified the role of legal precedent in WTO jurisprudence. The background to the discussion was a WTO panel’s refusal to follow a previous Appellate Body decision because the panel viewed the previous Appellate Body decision as failing to accord proper deference to permissible Member State interpretations. The details of the panel decision are here. I have written about judicial overreaching by the WTO Appellate Body and basically agreed with the lower panel’s legal reasoning on deference to permissible interpretations of Member States in the AD/CVD context.

Well, the Appellate Body in Stainless Steel (Mexico) did not take kindly to the panel’s refusal to follow the previous Appellate Body report and issued the following smack down:

158. It is well settled that Appellate Body reports are not binding, except with respect to resolving the particular dispute between the parties. This, however, does not mean that subsequent panels are free to disregard the legal interpretations and the ratio decidendi contained in previous Appellate Body reports that have been adopted by the DSB….

160. Dispute settlement practice demonstrates that WTO Members attach significance to reasoning provided in previous panel and Appellate Body reports. Adopted panel and Appellate Body reports are often cited by parties in support of legal arguments in dispute settlement proceedings, and are relied upon by panels and the Appellate Body in subsequent disputes. In addition, when enacting or modifying laws and national regulations pertaining to international trade matters, WTO Members take into account the legal interpretation of the covered agreements developed in adopted panel and Appellate Body reports. Thus, the legal interpretation embodied in adopted panel and Appellate Body reports becomes part and parcel of the acquis of the WTO dispute settlement system. Ensuring "security and predictability" in the dispute settlement system … implies that, absent cogent reasons, an adjudicatory body will resolve the same legal question in the same way in a subsequent case.

161. In the hierarchical structure contemplated in the DSU, panels and the Appellate Body have distinct roles to play…. The Panel's failure to follow previously adopted Appellate Body reports addressing the same issues undermines the development of a coherent and predictable body of jurisprudence clarifying Members' rights and obligations under the covered agreements as contemplated under the DSU….

162. We are deeply concerned about the Panel's decision to depart from well-established Appellate Body jurisprudence clarifying the interpretation of the same legal issues. The Panel's approach has serious implications for the proper functioning of the WTO dispute settlement system ….

Did you catch all of that? WTO Appellate Body decisions are not binding, but they must be followed. Unless, that is, there are cogent reasons not to follow them. But then if you don’t follow them because you think you do have cogent reasons (i.e., the standard of review in the treaty was ignored by the previous Appellate Body report), then the Appellate Body will be deeply concerned.

The role of precedent has always been difficult with respect to international courts and tribunals. But I read the Appellate Body in Stainless Steel (Mexico) as essentially requiring panels to follow Appellate Body decisions and treat them as legal precedent. You can't call it legal precedent, but it is. As one anonymous commenter put it in this post, the message from the Appellate Body to panels is the following:


You really, really should follow prior Appellate Body decisions. It would be quite bad for the system if you do not. But if you've got what you think are compelling reasons for not doing so, we understand if you feel you have to go your own way. Bearing in mind, of course, that if you do, we will almost certainly reverse you on appeal. You may think your reasons are pretty good, but if they were really that persuasive we would have gone that way ourselves, hence they are not, in fact, "cogent".

Tuesday, April 29, 2008

Aftermath of the NAFTA Lumber Wars: More Litigation
Longtime readers may recall my previous obsession with the seemingly endless Lumber Wars between Canada and the U.S. over Canadian timber subsidies and U.S. tariffs punishing such subsidies. The dispute threatened NAFTA, or at least Chapter 19 of NAFTA, because of the U.S. lumber industry's lawsuit to declare that chapter unconstitutional.

Now it turns out that the deal to end the lumber wars is itself provoking litigation. As Roger noted in a previous post, the deal was itself highly unusual and outside of the NAFTA system. As this article points out, there are big questions about the $1 billion the U.S. government retained in the deal.


Is it an illegal $1 billion slush fund for Bush administration friends in the timber industry, extorted from Canada and designed to evade congressional oversight?

Or is it a fairly negotiated end to an expensive trade war that's "the best thing that has happened to private forest land conservation in the United States in 100 years?"

It depends on your point of view. Now, a federal lawsuit filed in Seattle is bringing more scrutiny to the controversial deal. Sen. Maria Cantwell, D-Wash., is spearheading a Senate effort to get more information about who got the money and what they're doing with it.



Sounds like a neat case. If anyone has a copy of the complaint, I would be happy to post it online here.
When Does Application of the Warsaw Convention End and State Tort Law Begin?
Last week a Florida state court rendered an interesting decision on the scope of application of the Warsaw Convention. The court recognized that state tort law is preempted by the Warsaw Convention, but the critical question in Bowe v. Worldwide Flight Services was at what point in exiting a plane does the application of the treaty end and state tort law begin.


The plaintiffs in this case allege they were injured as a result of an accident that occurred on an up escalator as they exited an area the parties describe as a “bus depot,” located one level below Main Concourse E at the airport, when Mrs. Ferguson, Mrs. Deleveaux's eighty-eight-year-old mother, apparently fell backward onto both Ms. Bowe and Mrs. Deleveaux, resulting in all three suffering personal injuries. The complaint alleges the defendants were negligent by failing to fulfill a request for wheelchair assistance made for Mrs. Ferguson, which caused the plaintiffs to fend for themselves and hence, the escalator accident.

The record reflects the accident in this case occurred on July 29, 2001. Ms. Bowe, Mrs. Deleveaux, and Mrs. Ferguson had just arrived in Miami on an American Eagle commuter aircraft from Nassau. The aircraft arrived at a freestanding building, separate from the main concourse. In accordance with practice for aircraft arriving at that location, Ms. Bowe, Mrs. Deleveaux, and Mrs. Ferguson departed the aircraft and boarded an American Airlines bus for the short trip to the main terminal. The bus brought them to the bus depot. Although it appears from the record the bus depot is served by two escalators and an elevator, at best the record is murky concerning ingress, egress, and the extent to which the general passenger populace on the concourses is free to enter the depot area….

The preemptive effect of the Convention on local law extends no further than the Convention's own substantive scope. In this regard, it is clear from the text of the Convention it applies only to a “carrier.” Warsaw Convention, art. 17. In addition, the Convention applies only to injuries occurring either on board an aircraft or “in the course of any operations of embarking or disembarking.” Warsaw Convention, art. 17. These requirements constitute the initial inquiries we must make to determine whether the Convention is applicable to the claims being made and those we must consider here….

The Warsaw Convention also does not define or elucidate upon the phrase “operations of embarking or disembarking.” See Warsaw Convention, art. 17. However, it is clear the term does not automatically exclude events transpiring, as is the case here, within an airline terminal building. Rather than impose location-based or other rigid criteria to delimit these periods of liability under the Warsaw Convention, courts employ a three-prong test or guide to determine whether a passenger is entitled to seek the benefits of the Convention by considering: (1) the passenger's activity at the time of the accident; (2) the passenger's whereabouts at the time of the accident; and (3) the amount of control being exercised by the carrier at the time of the injury. In addition, when considering these factors, these same courts have made clear that no single factor is dispositive. Instead, “the three factors form a ‘single, unitary [analytical] base.'"

That three-part test poses difficult questions as to when the application of the treaty ends and state law begins. Depending on what the passenger is doing, where they are doing it, and whether they are “controlled” by the carrier, the Warsaw Convention applies. The key idea is that there is a point in every flight of every passenger that he or she ceases to “disembark” from flight. At that exact moment state tort law applies. But before that moment, the Warsaw Convention applies and preempts contrary state law. So where should that line be? At the airplane door, the terminal gate, the baggage carousel, or perhaps the airport parking lot?

Incidentally, the court in Bowe makes no mention of Medellin and whether the Warsaw Convention should still be interpreted as a self-executing treaty in light of Medellin. Supreme Court precedent indicates that the Warsaw Convention is self-executing, but the preemption analysis in the Supreme Court’s decision in El Al Israel v. Tseng offers a useful comparison to the self-executing analysis in Medellin. In El Al Israel, the Court ruled that a “home-centered preemption analysis … should not be applied, mechanically, in construing our international obligations” and that the “text, drafting history, and underlying purpose of the Convention” should be examined to determine whether a treaty preempts state law. The Court also looked extensively to the interpretations given to the treaty in the “opinions of sister signatories.” Medellin, by contrast, focused primarily on text and the interpretion of the United States, which it said is entitled to great weight. As we try to make sense of Medellin, it would be useful to analyze why the Court ruled that the Warsaw Convention is self-executing in El Al Israel, but that in Medellin it ruled that Article 94 of the U.N. Charter is not.


Monday, April 28, 2008

Bellinger on the United States and the ICC
I think there is more to Bellinger’s speech on the United States and the ICC than Julian suggests. Let me just summarize the best parts of the speech. First, Bellinger emphasizes that the ICC is not a partisan issue:

A relatively straight line runs from the positions on the ICC taken by our Congress in 1990, to those of U.S. negotiators in Rome, to President Clinton’s decision not to seek Senate ratification of the Rome Statute and to recommend the same to his successor, and to the current position of the Bush Administration.

Second, Bellinger argues that this position is not likely to change with the next Administration:

Even if a future President were to advocate U.S. accession to the Rome Statute, he or she could very well face a skeptical reaction in the U.S. Senate. It’s worth bearing in mind that the American Servicemembers’ Protection Act – legislation that was not sought by the Bush Administration and that includes a range of restrictions on U.S. support for the ICC – passed the Senate in 2002 by a vote of 75-19, including the affirmative votes of Senators Clinton and McCain, as well as those of the current Senate Majority and Minority Leaders, Senators Reid and McConnell.

Third, if we accept that the United States will remain outside the ICC for the forseeable future, what should be the response? Bellinger has the following suggestion:

The core concerns of the United States about the Rome Statute have not been resolved during the past decade, and are unlikely to be resolved in the next decade, unless the Statute is changed. Accordingly, as we look forward, the United States will very likely remain outside the Rome Statute regime. This is a reality that ICC supporters should accept. Agreeing to disagree about the ICC is the essential first step toward developing a more mature and productive relationship that can effectively advance our shared goal of promoting international criminal justice. This will involve seizing opportunities for cooperative efforts where they exist and avoiding pitfalls that risk reigniting past tensions. We should be guided in our efforts by the premise that the ends we seek are far more important than the means by which we seek them. The United States and ICC supporters can do more to prevent impunity for serious crimes by working together than either can achieve on their own, and it is in our mutual interest to develop a relationship that recognizes this.

Finally, as for concrete ways that the United States and the ICC can work together in a cooperative manner, Bellinger mentions Darfur, the Security Council, and the Rome Statute review conference on a crime of aggression:

It is important that we put aside our differences on these issues because the next decade poses challenges that will require our collective efforts as well as pitfalls that risk further inflaming tensions over ICC issues. Let me now discuss a few issues that I think will shape the relationship between the United States and the ICC in the coming years.

A first area relates to the response to large scale and horrific crimes in Darfur. Absent a decision by the ICC to pursue an investigation or prosecution against a U.S. person, the outcome of the ICC’s Darfur work is likely to do more than any other factor in the near term to shape U.S. perceptions of the role and impact of the ICC…. Darfur is … a good example of an area where, with respect and goodwill on all sides, there may be opportunities for constructive cooperation….

A second more general area that will shape U.S. views and policy toward the ICC in the coming years will be the impact of the ICC’s work on the UN Security Council…. Now that the ICC is a reality, it will be important to the United States to ensure that the work of the ICC complements the work of the Council to maintain international peace and security…. As the ICC proceeds to investigate and prosecute cases under the Rome Statute, the Security Council must be prepared to act if and when necessary to ensure harmony between the ICC’s work and the Council’s broader efforts....

A final area that will shape U.S. views and policy toward the ICC is the outcome of the upcoming Rome Statute review conference, now scheduled for 2010. If Rome Statute parties were interested in trying to address the core U.S. concerns about the ICC, the Review Conference could provide an opportunity to do so. These issues aside, a principal focus of work of the conference will likely relate to proposals to define a crime of aggression over which the ICC could exercise jurisdiction…. Efforts to design an aggression regime for the ICC will also need to address the regime’s applicability to countries that are not parties to the Rome Statute. As I have noted, a core principle of our ICC policy is that, as we acknowledge the decisions of other states to join the Rome Statute and to submit to its jurisdiction, we ask that other states accept our decision not to do so. In this context, should Rome Statute parties seek to make an aggression regime they adopt applicable to non-parties, they will almost certainly provoke a serious new crisis in the ICC’s relationship with a new U.S. Administration.

I’m not sure whether this constitutes new rhetoric or not, but I like the notion that if the United States is not joining the ICC anytime soon, then we should move toward accepting that political reality and find ways to cooperate on areas where the United States and the ICC share common interests. I particularly think that developing a framework for a crime of aggression must be done with the close cooperation of the United States. As a practical matter the world has almost no other major defense force to support the cause of international peace and security. To think that our allies in the ICC would dictate to the United States how it will use those resources without input from the United States is a serious mistake.


Friday, April 18, 2008

Bellinger Speaks Out on ATS Litigation
Last week State Department Legal Adviser John Bellinger delivered an important speech at Vanderbilt Law School on Alien Tort Statute litigation. The speech was a fascinating analysis of the future of ATS litigation, particularly its costs and benefits. To my knowledge, the speech is the first comprehensive statement ever by a senior Administration official, Republican or Democratic, about the legal and policy issues posed by ATS litigation.

Bellinger starts with a nice summary of the significant legal questions that remain unanswered since Sosa:


This continued litigation under the ATS reflects fundamental problems with how lower courts have approached these suits. These problems center on five key issues: First, whether the ATS applies extraterritorially – that is, whether a U.S. court can properly apply U.S. federal common law under the ATS to conduct that occurred entirely in the territory of a foreign State. Second, even if such a cause of action could properly be recognized, whether exhaustion of adequate and available local remedies in that foreign country should be a prerequisite to bringing an ATS suit. Third, whether corporations or other private entities may be held liable under the ATS for aiding and abetting human rights abuses perpetrated by foreign governments. A fourth issue is how to apply Sosa’s requirement that an international-law norm be sufficiently accepted and specific. And fifth, in what circumstances should courts dismiss suits based on what Sosa referred to as “case-specific deference to the political branches”?

Bellinger then highlights the costs and benefits of ATS litigation. The three principal benefits of ATS litigation he outlines are: (1) promoting accountability and providing a public voice to victims; (2) raising public and political awareness of human rights abuses; and (3) advancing U.S. participation in the development of customary international law. But these benefits, he asserts, are not legal arguments, and may not be as great as they appear.

As for the costs, Bellinger identifies three: (1) ineffective relief in most cases; (2) “diplomatic costs” and the (3) “lack of democratic checks and accountability.” I think the diplomatic costs of ATS litigation are particularly important and real, and rarely included in the calculus of whether to allow ATS litigation to go forward. As Bellinger notes, the United States is perceived by other countries to be a “rogue actor” by encouraging international civil litigation against other countries but resisting efforts to hold the United States criminally responsible before international tribunals.


We are perceived, accurately, as having in effect established an International Civil Court – a court with jurisdiction to decide cases brought by foreigners arising anywhere in the world, by the light only of its own divination of universal law, and through the extraterritorial application of U.S. law concerning rights and remedies. By itself, this can be grating enough to foreign governments. But it is especially so when taken together with both the fact that the U.S. often argues vigorously against the assertion by foreign courts of universal jurisdiction to hear cases involving U.S. officials, and the fact that the U.S. has declined to join the International Criminal Court because of concerns about that tribunal’s jurisdiction.

I think that argument of diplomatic costs has a tremendous amount of force. Of course, reasonable people may disagree as to whether that means we should curtail ATS litigation in the United States or welcome the possibility of international criminal litigation elsewhere against United States actors. The status quo, however, does appear duplicitous and understandably is perceived as such by other countries.

The absence of democratic accountability is another important cost of ATS litigation, and one that highlights the potential disconnect between Executive branch interests and the victims’ interests.


The Executive Branch has real interests in ensuring that as a matter of policy, ATS litigation does not interfere with its conduct of foreign relations. I have already noted foreign governments’ concerns about the scope of U.S. court jurisdiction under the ATS. In addition, recent ATS suits have been used by litigants to duplicate, replace, or proceed on top of the U.S. government’s systemic efforts to reform foreign government practices or help end foreign conflicts. Often, these suits are brought as class actions for all aliens injured by the challenged conduct, effectively asking the U.S. courts to serve as administrator of an international claims program for foreign nationals.

The solution, Bellinger suggests, is either for courts to exercise more restraint consistent with Sosa, or for Congress to introduce legislation that curtails ATS litigation in a manner akin to the Torture Victim Protection Act (which includes a statute of limitations and defined causes of action) or the Flatow Amendment to the FSIA (which allows for greater Executive branch involvement in limiting the scope of litigation).

The take away message is that Sosa’s attempt to rein in ATS litigation has largely failed and that if courts do not more carefully monitor this litigation it will continue to cause foreign relations problems.

It is an important message. I think it would be quite valuable for a scholar to carefully examine the various statements of interest and amicus briefs filed by the United States in over a dozen ATS cases, combined with the concerns expressed in Bellinger's speech to illuminate the foreign affairs concerns at stake in ATS litigation.

In sum, Bellinger appears to be echoing some of the concerns raised by the Supreme Court in Sosa. As the Court put it in that case, "Since many attempts by federal courts to craft remedies for the violation of new norms of international law would raise risks of adverse foreign policy consequences, they should be undertaken, if at all, with great caution." Then again in a footnote the Court emphasized that a "possible limitation" to ATS litigation "is a policy of case-specific deference to the political branches.... In such cases [as the apartheid litigation], there is a strong argument that federal courts should give serious weight to the Executive Branch’s view of the case’s impact on foreign policy." That foreign policy limit identified by the Court and now repeated by the State Department Legal Adviser has yet to be fully explored by the courts or scholars.

Wednesday, April 16, 2008

Defense Perspectives on Law and Politics in International Criminal Trials: A Reply to Professor Heller
Many thanks once again to Kevin Heller for his thorough review of the article, for his kind compliments, and for his very insightful comments. Kevin is highly qualified to evaluate the article, and I can already see that I am benefitting from this exchange. I am very pleased that he believes the article to be useful and that he agrees with me on a number of points. At the same time, I will take this opportunity to address a couple of the issues that he highlights as possible points of divergence.

First, I will address Kevin’s points about the undesirable effects of the ICTY’s and ICTR’s “Completion Strategy” and the ICTR’s decision to take judicial notice of genocide. The two are related. The decision to take judicial notice was made in an effort to expedite trials. This was also the main goal of the Completion Strategy, which is the term for the Security Council’s mandate that the tribunals complete their work in the next several years. As I pointed out in the article, to the extent that efficiency is pursued at the expense of fairness and accuracy, possibly leading to unjustified convictions, the tribunals may in fact be moving toward a political model, and one devoted above all to efficiency. (This may be a move toward a “managerial model,” to quote Maximo Langer, who has analyzed it in greater depth). It was beyond the scope of the article to examine the full effects of the Completion Strategy and this move toward efficiency. I agree with Kevin that the Completion Strategy has reduced the perceived fairness of the tribunals among a number of defense attorneys and outside observers (including Kevin himself, in his excellent piece in the American Journal of International Law). And to the extent that it has compromised defendants’ rights to present evidence, to confront witnesses, or to contest all the specific charges leveled against them, it may have, in fact, reduced the fairness of trials. So I would acknowledge that the Completion Strategy in some respects represents a shift toward the political goal of efficiency over the adjudicative goal of apportioning guilt and innocence in a fair manner.

At the same time, as I discussed in the article, commentators and defense attorneys sometimes overlook incidental effects of the Completion Strategy that may in fact favor defendants. For example, as some defense attorneys whom I interviewed acknowledged, the Completion Strategy has led judges to trim overbroad indictments and to discourage or prevent prosecutors from introducing evidence that is cumulative or unrelated to the charges against the accused. To this extent, it has nudged trials away from some of the broad political goals which animated the work of the court in earlier years—for example, the goals of pursuing a fuller historical record and giving victims the opportunity to achieve closure by testifying in court. In short, I believe that the effects of the Completion Strategy are complex and do not entirely favor the prosecution or the political model.

Next, I will address Kevin’s comments about some of my statements that he believes may express a dismissive attitude toward defense attorneys. Throughout the research and writing of the paper, I tried to maintain a neutral and detached perspective concerning the role of defense attorneys at international criminal trials. But it is instructive for me to see that some of the statements do not appear to be entirely balanced in the eyes of a careful and knowledgeable reader. I would like to provide some further explanation of my intended meaning with respect to some of the statements that Kevin quoted.

My statement that “[i]t is likely that, when defense attorneys refrain from political arguments, they are simply making a strategic decision,” did reflect the responses of some of my interviewees. A number of defense attorneys made statements such as “judges do not like political arguments” and “such arguments are generally useless.” This suggested to me that they decided not to make political arguments at least in part because they thought the arguments are not likely to be successful. I do agree that these comments do not provide a full explanation why defense attorneys refrain from political arguments, and I offered other explanations of the defense attorneys’ decision to do so –although these explanations were perhaps more tentative than I meant them to be. I pointed out that the distance of the international tribunals (and their lawyers) from the communities involved in the conflict may be a critical factor that enables the lawyers to avoid becoming embroiled in the political aspects of the trials. Second, in a later section, I explained how professional norms of attorneys further shape the decision not to make political arguments. Namely, I argued their education and work experience in an adjudicative model of criminal trials has likely instilled in them a respect for the rule of law and a reluctance to resort to political arguments. A number of attorneys simply believed that resorting to political arguments was not behavior befitting a good lawyer. This is a finding that was quite striking to me and I hope to examine it in greater depth a future essay on the professional norms of defense attorneys in international criminal tribunals.

Once again, I would like to thank Kevin for taking the time to read the paper so thoroughly, and for offering his very useful and thought-provoking comments. I look forward to continuing the conversation about the purposes of international criminal trials and about the role of defense attorneys in these trials.

A final thanks again to Opinio Juris and the Virginia Journal of International Law for giving me the opportunity to take part in this exchange.



Related Posts (on one page):

  1. Defense Perspectives on Law and Politics in International Criminal Trials: A Reply to Professor Heller
  2. Defense Perspectives on Law and Politics in International Criminal Trials -- A Response
Defense Perspectives on Law and Politics in International Criminal Trials
Many thanks to Opinio Juris and the Virginia Journal of International Law for hosting the symposium and inviting me to participate, as well as to Kevin Heller for agreeing to comment on my article.

The article addresses a fundamental question about the purposes of international criminal trials: Do international criminal trials serve primarily legal purposes, similar to the objectives of domestic trials, or do they serve primarily political purposes, such as helping communities heal and compiling an accurate record of the past? The article examines this question through the perspectives of an overlooked, but important, participant in these trials—the defense attorney. Through personal interviews, scholarly articles, and case law, I analyze the attorneys' motivations, strategies, and tactics in representing defendants at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda. In particular, I ask whether defense attorneys believe that international criminal trials serve primarily adjudicative or primarily political purposes.

The survey finds that defense attorneys believe that these trials are much farther from being constructed primarily to satisfy political purposes and much nearer to being truly adjudicative proceedings whose crucial function is to separate those who are blameworthy from those who are not. Defense attorneys believe that a good number of their clients are innocent and that acquittals are possible. Their perceptions, I argue, are not merely inevitable products of their role, but are supported by an increasing number of acquittals, dismissals, and vigorous debates about liability doctrines and rules of procedure. Finally, and contrary to some perceptions, most defense attorneys do not view political statements or attacks as appropriate tactics in international criminal trials and instead focus on factual and legal challenges to the prosecution's case.

The perceptions of those who participate in the trials say something about what kind of proceedings these are. Even as international trials retain their unique political importance, the attitudes of those actually engaged in them reflect their character as increasingly adjudicative proceedings, with separation of the guilty from the innocent as the central purpose. Importantly, as key players in the trials, defense attorneys not only reflect, but also influence the proceedings, shifting them toward the adjudicative model.

Of course, fully contested, adversarial trials serve both legal and political purposes. But to the extent that these purposes occasionally come into conflict –where, for example, political purposes such as efficient closure and establishment of a historical record might recommend one set of procedures, and classic legal principles might recommend another –the debate becomes important. If international criminal trials increasingly serve the same adjudicative purposes as domestic trials, then the procedures of the tribunals and the actions of the participants will adjust accordingly. The perceptions of defense attorneys provide a signal that international criminal trials are moving in this direction.




Tuesday, April 8, 2008

Put the ICTY Archives Online!
As this essay in the invaluable Institute for War and Peace Studies argues, a debate over the final location of the ICTY's documentary archives is missing the point.


The archive of the ICTY is a vast and invaluable collection, and its holdings will be indispensible for anyone researching or investigating events of the 1990s, in any former Yugoslav republic.

But most importantly, it is a digitised archive. Over the past 15 years, ICTY employees have scanned virtually every document and made many of them searchable, so that anyone with appropriate access to the tribunal’s computers can find references to a person, place, word, or topic among the millions of documents gathered by tribunal investigators.



For purely historical purposes, this stuff should be available. Because I suppose legal liability will continue to be an issue even after the ICTY closes shop, there needs to be some filtering. Still, it is tempting just to put it all online. It's already digitized. And it would unleash the bloggers of the world (who speak the relevant languages) on the process of building a more complete historical record of the Balkan wars and their aftermath.

Saturday, April 5, 2008

Did the Soviet Union Commit Genocide in Ukraine (And Can Law Help Answer This Question)??
Russia's lower house of Parliament has passed a resolution denying that the Soviet Union committed "genocide" in Ukraine during the 1930s. The resolution states:

"There is no historical proof that the famine was organized along ethnic lines. Its victims were million of citizens of the Soviet Union, representing different peoples and nationalities living largely in agricultural areas of the country."

Interestingly, the resolution does not appear to deny (as it could not credibly do anyway) that the Soviet Union leadership was responsible for a great famine in the 1930s Ukraine that led to millions of deaths. The defense (which seems very honest and credible to me is: we may have adopted policies that killed millions, but it was not targeted toward a particular ethnic group, so it was not genocide. It was just a tragedy.

The resolution appears to respond to efforts by Ukraine's government to treat the famine as a genocide (and the U.S. government's semi-support of those efforts). The resolution is drawing support from an unlikely source: Soviet-era dissident Alexander Solzhenitsyn.

Article 2 of the Convention on Genocide doesn't help much: "[G]enocide means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group. . ."

The intent language is key here, and it really is a question of historical fact. Is there any evidence that Stalin intended to wipe out Ukrainians? This may be unanswerable, but maybe not. It strikes me that the Ukrainians have the burden to demonstrate this element and that the Russians are right to take umbrage here. No doubt the mass murder that occurred in the 1930s was a horrible thing which deserves as much attention as genocide. But not all mass murders are genocide. And the law can help us remember that key fact.

Thursday, April 3, 2008

ASIL/ITA Program on International Arbitration
For those interested in international arbitration, the ASIL and the Institute for Transnational Arbitration will be hosting a one-day conference on Wednesday, April 9 in Washington, D.C. The topic is "Soft Law Instruments in International Arbitration." The schedule is available here. Plenty of big names from the world of international arbitration, including David Caron, Michael Reisman, James Carter, and Gabrielle Kaufmann-Kohler.

Wednesday, April 2, 2008

Ecuador Takes Colombia to the ICJ for Spraying Toxic Herbicides
Pardon me for missing this little news item, but the ICJ has another new case: Ecuador has applied to the ICJ over Colombia's alleged spraying of toxic herbicides over Ecuadorian territory.

Here is what Ecuador is seeking the ICJ to declare:


(a) Colombia has violated its obligations under international law by causing or allowing the
deposit on the territory of Ecuador of toxic herbicides that have caused damage to human
health, property and the environment;
(b) Colombia shall indemnify Ecuador for any loss or damage caused by its internationally
unlawful acts, namely the use of herbicides, including by aerial dispersion, and in particular:
(i) death or injury to the health of any person or persons arising from the use of such
herbicides; and
(ii) any loss of or damage to the property or livelihood or human rights of such persons; and
(iii) environmental damage or the depletion of natural resources; and
(iv) the costs of monitoring to identify and assess future risks to public health, human rights
and the environment resulting from Colombia’s use of herbicides; and
(v) any other loss or damage;



I don't know enough about this area of law to say whether this is a strong claim. I assume this claim will be brought under customary international law although Ecuador is also invoking the 1988 United Nations Convention against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances. But this looks like a pretty interesting case, and one worth watching. Ecuador has recently had a run-in with Colombia over its raids on FARC rebels based in Ecuador, but perhaps since such a case would be ugly for both sides (is Ecuador harboring FARC?), no case on that front appears to be contemplated.

Thursday, March 27, 2008

More Signs that Serbia is Giving Up on Kosovo: It Plans to Seek an ICJ Opinion
Serbia announced yesterday that it would seek an ICJ advisory opinion on the legality of Kosovo's declaration of independence. This, to me, is further evidence that the Serbs have no real ability to alter the Kosovo outcome; the plan now is just to harass from a distance and hope Kosovo falls apart on its own. In order to get an ICJ advisory opinion, the Serbs need a majority of the General Assembly to vote for a referral (good luck!) and even if they win that, the ICJ would give them ... an advisory opinion that might take years to produce.

Wednesday, March 26, 2008

First Reaction on Medellin, Self-Execution, Etc.
[Mark Weisburd is the Martha M. Brandis Professor of Law at UNC Law School.]

I find it difficult to read Medellin as institutionalizing a presumption against self-execution. If that had been Roberts's intent, the form of his argument should have been, "We presume non self-execution, is there anything to overcome the presumption?" Instead, he analyzed the text, ratification hearings, and practice of other treaty parties to conclude that Art. 94 was not intended to create obligations for domestic courts. The conclusion seems reasonable to me - 94(2)'s according the Security Council discretion to refuse to enforce an ICJ judgment is hard to reconcile with a domestic judicial duty to enforce those same judgments - but it certainly isn't reached with the aid of presumption.

David Sloss's post makes an important point regarding the branch of the federal government with the repsonsibility to execute particular treaties. As he pointed out to me in a colloquy some time ago, whatever the status of some generic ICJ judgment, this particular judgment specifically requires action by American judges and it is impossible to carry out the international obligation admittedly created by the judgment without judicial action. The problem I see is that, if Art. 94 in general does not require domestic judicial implementation, and if the Senate consented to American submission to the ICJ only on the understanding that there was no requirement of domestic judicial enforcement, what happens when a particular ICJ judgment is meaningless without such enforcement? I find the Senate's understanding crucial. Necessarily, it seems to me, the "treaties" to which the Supremacy Clause refers are those to which the Senate understood itself to be consenting. That is, a treaty for purposes of American judicial treatment imposes only those obligations which the Senate saw the treaty as creating. So - to address David's argument - if the treaty to which the Senate thought it consented never requires judicial enforcement of ICJ judgments, then that's the treaty which is the supreme law of the land. It may well be reasonable to argue that, at least on these facts, that not the best reading of Art. 94, but, if I'm right, the only issue is determining the Senate's understanding of the treaty, not determining whether that understanding necessarily makes sense. Indeed, when the Court holds that the Senate's understanding of Art. 94 as creating no domestic legal effects disables the president from seeking to implement Avena, it seems to put just that degree of weight on the Senate's understanding.

Three other quick points. First, I think Ernie Young is exactly right that upholding the effect of Bush's memo here would have had immense consequences. The administration's argument was that the president can negate state law in order to carry out international legal obligations not otherwise binding in the US. Given the breadth of at least some readings of customary international law these days, it's hard to imagine a subject as to which the President could not, effectively, legislate by decree if that argument had prevailed. I would add that the Court's take on the consequences of the Senate's understanding would seem to put to rest the controversy during the Reagan administration regarding the President's authority to "reinterpret" treaties, according them a meaning different from that the Senate thought they had when it consented to ratification. Finally, regarding Paul Stephan's point about the Court's examining other states' readings of Art. 94, I would note that this follows straight from the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties. Indeed, one of the reasons the ICJ was wrong in LaGrand and Avena was that it ignored other states' readings of the Consular Convention.