Opinio Juris

[William Dodge is a law professor at UC Hastings]

I’ve not seen anyone comment yet on what I thought was one of the more notable aspects of Chief Justice Roberts’s opinion, its application of Justice Jackson’s Youngstown analysis. The question is how to read congressional silence. Although I am greatly oversimplifying, Jackson seemed to read Congress’s failure to authorize what the President did in Youngstown as implicit disapproval (category 3). In Dames & Moore, by contrast, Justice Rehnquist read Congress’s silence as approval (category 1). Roberts’s opinion in Medellin seems to follow Jackson rather than Rehnquist and to treat silence as implicit disapproval (category 3).

As chance would have it, Rehnquist clerked for Jackson the term that Youngstown was decided and Roberts clerked for Rehnquist clerked the term that Dames & Moore was decided. I’m sure there is a great law review article to be written here (though I am not the one to write it).

There is much one could say about Medellín, but I want to focus on the meta-question of what this decision portends for the future of international courts and tribunals. While the domestic effect of ICJ decisions is now cast into serious doubt (at least in terms of direct enforcement), I think there is far more reason to be hopeful than some are suggesting.

First, the Court emphasized that the effect to be given to international courts and tribunals depends first and foremost on whether there is a federal mandate to respect such decisions. It emphasized that such a federal mandate might be found in a self-executing treaty or a congressional statute. The Court said it agreed “as a general matter [that] an agreement to abide by the result of an international adjudication can be a treaty obligation,” but found that “the particular treaty obligations on which Medellín relies do not of their own force create domestic law.” (p. 24). The Court also agreed that a statute could have the same effect. “The judgments of a number of international tribunals enjoy a different status because of implementing legislation.” (p. 25).

Second, the Court fully embraced the principle that domestic effect should be given to decisions of international courts and tribunals if that is what federal law requires. As I have written elsewhere, this domestic effect falls along a continuum of deference. The Court cited with approval the “full faith and credit” approach of 22 U.S.C. 1650a, which treats ICSID decisions exactly the same as domestic court decisions. (p. 25). It also cited with approval an “arbitration model” under the New York Convention that accords great deference to international arbitral decisions pursuant to the Federal Arbitration Act. (p. 26). The decisions of the Iran-United States Claims Tribunal are the best example of an international tribunal that falls within this sort of approach. Although somewhat less clear, the Court also appears to accept a “foreign judgment” model, provided the international tribunal is rendering monetary awards (rather than injunctive relief) and provided the international decision does not contravene domestic law. (p. 26). Mass claims tribunals such as the UNCC are possible candidates for such a foreign judgment model. (It is also worth noting that the citation in footnote 1 to the La Abra case involving the U.S.-Mexico Claims Commission--one of the few Supreme Court decisions utilizing a foreign judgment model for an international tribunal decision--may suggest that if a foreign judgment model is to be employed, again the treaty (or implementing legislation) must mandate that approach.)

Third, the Court effectively relegated ICJ decisions to the same status as the decisions of the WTO Appellate Body. Direct recognition of WTO decisions is precluded by implementing federal legislation (19 U.S.C. 3512(c)). Under this implementing legislation, the political branches must decide what domestic effect to give to WTO decisions. Apparently the same now applies to ICJ decisions. ICJ decisions may be given domestic effect, but the mechanism is through the political branches. The President tried to do that, but failed in his choice of mechanism. Obviously if it so desired, Congress could achieve what the President’s Memorandum did not. That frequently happens with WTO decisions, with Congress amending the law to bring the United States into conformity with our international obligations as interpreted by WTO Appellate Body decisions.

Fourth, the Court did not address the issue of indirect recognition of decisions of international courts and tribunals. On this score nothing has changed. Charming Betsy remains vibrant and there is every reason to think that domestic courts in construing statutes will continue to rely on decisions of international courts and tribunals (including the ICJ) to interpret international law. The same goes for using international decisions as persuasive authority to understand the content of international law in matters such as ATS claims or boundary disputes.

We are witnessing the end of the era of “respectful consideration” and the birth of disaggregated deference. That is, the degree of deference domestic courts should accord to decisions of international courts depends on what federal law (i.e., self-executing treaties or implementing legislation) requires. That mandate may be more or less than "respectful consideration." In the absence of such a federal mandate, international tribunal decisions will not have direct effect, but they will continue to enjoy indirect recognition as tools of interpretation.