Opinio Juris

A weblog dedicated to reports, commentary, and debate on current developments and scholarship
in the fields of international law and politics

Friday, April 11, 2008

Three Cheers for José Alvarez and Lucy Reed
There are many topics that come to mind from yesterday's ASIL program, but the biggest takeaway for me came from the annual meeting with the passing of the torch from José Alvarez to Lucy Reed.

The strength of any learned society depends on its leadership and Alvarez has done an exceptional job as ASIL President. His President's columns have always been interesting and often provocative. His openness to innovation is impressive, from the promotion of ASIL West to resident Sabbatical Fellows. His commitment to junior scholars is commendable. At yesterday's panel on New Voices, he said that the presentations were so good that he thinks we should have twice as many "new voice" panels and half as many "old voice" panels. In his final Presidential Column he relates a criticism from the old guard challenging the democratization of the society. "Another pre-eminent voice of the “old guard” passed on to me recently a criticism that he had heard: namely that our annual meetings have lately resembled 'try-outs for the junior league.' I explained that our Society has shifted to more democratic, bottom-up, processes with respect to how we organize our Annual Meeting.... I remain convinced that this shift is healthy if we are to remain a membership organization that seeks to engage and to attract the whole of our members, here and abroad. It is a way to convey to prospective members and to our student members that they need not wait decades before they too will be accorded the privilege of addressing their peers." I love it.

Lucy Reed comes to the ASIL Presidency with large shoes to fill. I have known Reed for years, and I have absolutely no doubt that she will continue the tradition of outstanding leadership. She is one of the most prominent women in international arbitration, so I have watched her in action for years. I can confidently confide to anyone who does not know her that she is blessed with the Midas touch. In her inaugural speech, she emphasized her priorities as fundraising, women's rights, and continuing legal education. It will be wonderful to watch the ASIL excel under her leadership.

Of course, it is a great honor to be ASIL President. But the ASIL members should be honored that we have the likes of Alvarez and Reed as our leaders.

Thursday, April 10, 2008

Supreme Court Averts War Between Delaware and New Jersey
Okay maybe not war exactly. But last month the Supreme Court rendered an interesting opinion resolving a bitter border dispute between Delaware and New Jersey. Just how bitter? Well, according to the Court, the dispute became so heated that “Delaware considered authorizing the National Guard to protect its border from encroachment [and] one New Jersey legislator looked into recommissioning the museum-piece battleship U.S.S. New Jersey in the event that the vessel might be needed to repel an armed invasion by Delaware.” Armed invasion of the Jersey shore by the Delaware National Guard?

What could have led these two states to almost come to blows? Of course, oil. Well, okay not oil exactly, but natural gas. In essence, New Jersey wanted to construct a natural gas facility in New Jersey and build a pier that extended into Delaware waters for supertankers to dock. Delaware refused to authorize this, which led New Jersey to conclude that Delaware was acting beyond the scope of its regulatory authority.

Why would Delaware not have the authority to regulate the construction of a pier within its own territory? Ordinarily it would, of course, but a 1905 Compact between the states gave New Jersey the right to build such a pier without Delaware’s approval. Or so New Jersey argued.

New Jersey read the Compact to give New Jersey “exclusive regulatory authority over all projects appurtenant to its shores, including wharves extending past the low-water mark on New Jersey's side into Delaware territory.” The Court disagreed. I won’t bore you with the details, but suffice it to say that the Court interpreted the 1905 Compact to conclude that both states had concurrent jurisdiction over the matter.

So Delaware won the day and the great New Jersey War was averted. Thank goodness, otherwise the next Supreme Court case between Delaware and New Jersey would be over the interpretation of Article I, Section 10 of the Constitution: “No State shall, without the Consent of Congress, … engage in War, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent Danger as will not admit of delay.”


Wednesday, April 9, 2008

Mark Drumbl Defends Washington & Lee's New Curriculum
A couple of weeks ago, Roger suggested that "that W&L's new 3L experiential learning program will result in the general neglect of elective subjects such as international law." Mark Drumbl disagrees; here is his response:
Washington & Lee Law School (where I teach) recently has elected to make the third-year of its JD entirely experiential. This means a balance of clinic, externships, service, and, most importantly, practicum courses taught by permanent faculty. What is the relationship between our reforms and international law? In a recent post, Roger Alford opines they will lead to the "marginalization" of international law, which he characterizes as an "elective".

I do wish Roger had contacted Rick Kirgis or me before posting such inaccuracies. The reality couldn't be more different. The conversation we at Washington & Lee have undertaken about the pedagogical product we deliver has led us to rethink our first year, along with the "elective" nature of international and comparative law more generally. Our Curriculum Committee has just unanimously voted to implement a mandatory three-credit Transnational Law course in the first-year of our JD. This Transnational Law course pursues an integrated approach to international and comparative law. Since all students would take this course, that means they can devote their second and third years to the large number of specialized courses, theoretical research seminars, and practicum courses we offer. Keep your fingers crossed that the full faculty gets on board! I'm optimistic. If so, we would be ahead of the curve in the mainstreaming of our field.

As a result of this conversation, we have just hired four new internationalist scholars to our permanent faculty. We are very excited to have them joining us in July. We also have hired a clinician, a VAP, and a professor-of-practice with international law teaching commitments. Moreover, through our Transnational Law Institute, which was inaugurated in 2006, we offer internships abroad, a speakers' series (thus far including two ASIL Presidents), visiting scholar opportunities, and intensive courses.

Whatever one thinks of the merits of injecting more experiential learning into the JD curriculum, to conclude that such a move would threaten international law reflects an odd nervousness about the place of our field in the curriculum. Moreover, to assert - as Roger does - that international and comparative law is ill-suited for experiential learning demonstrates a lack of imagination. Our students are assisting defense lawyers in the ECCC, helping implement a UN mandate for rule of law through instruction and in-country work in Liberia, going to produce memos and assistance for public defenders in Iraq, and - with our new hires - actively jumping into litigation experiences regarding climate change and women's rights in Africa. I am not saying there is no debate on the merits of experiential learning - far from it - and it is a debate that itself only can be informed by experience. What I am saying is that there are more ways to teach international, foreign, and comparative law than simply through classroom lectures, Socratic method, and research seminars.
Readers?

Monday, April 7, 2008

Has Jack Goldsmith Gone Soft on International Law?
This among his useful suggestions as to how to fix the errors of Bush in anti-terror policy in a Slate column last week:
• Work with allies to establish an international legal framework for terrorists. Last week, John McCain called for a "new international understanding on the disposition of dangerous detainees under our control." This is a good idea, not because of a squishy commitment to internationalism but because an international consensus on how to treat detainees would foster deeper international cooperation crucial in thwarting terrorists.

To achieve this goal, the United States must stop talking about which international laws do not govern the detention of terrorists and start talking about which ones do. . . .
Okay, so Jack's still against squishiness. But here's the friendly challenge: how to reconcile a position that sees any value in international humanitarian regimes with the premise of his and Eric Posner's The Limits of International Law, which dismisses IL as a mostly marginal constraint on state action (see for instance pp. 85-88). The Limits is not very keen on multilateral agreements insofar as they are not subject to reliable sanctions by independent third parties. Has something changed, or is there some about the anti-terror context which makes them a meaningful vehicle for modifying state behavior?

Sunday, April 6, 2008

Playing Up the Fine Print: Ackerman and Hathaway on the War's "Expiration Date"
Bruce Ackerman and Oona Hathaway had this op-ed in Saturday's WaPo arguing that congressional authorization for the Iraq deployment will expire with official the UN mandate for the multinational force come January 1, 2009. The piece works from the limitation in Congress' 2002 joint resolution approving the use of force only to "(1) defend the national security of the United States against the continuing threat posed by Iraq; and (2) enforce all relevant United Nations Security Council Resolutions regarding Iraq." The first hardly works any more, note Ackerman and Hathaway, and the second won't as of next winter.

It's a nice catch, and the argument would hit home if we were dealing with anything other than the use of force. But what if the new year comes around with neither a new UNSC resolution or modification of congressional authorization? The answer: nothing! As with the War Powers Resolution (which purported in these terms to include a default "expiration date" on all presidential uses of force), you're not going to win a war's end on legalisms. The only thing that will do the trick is an affirmative qualification or withdrawal of congressional authorization going forward, something that proved impossible to secure even when the war still dominated the front page.