Opinio Juris

A weblog dedicated to reports, commentary, and debate on current developments and scholarship
in the fields of international law and politics

Saturday, May 24, 2008

What Is Your Neighborhood's Walk Score?
I know it's not international law, but this site is too cool not to mention:


Just enter your address and it will calculate your "Walk Score" — how walkable your neighborhood is. It even maps all the interesting businesses that are nearby. I entered my old address in Athens, Georgia, and my walk score was 75, walkable enough not to own a car. That seems accurate to me.

Try it yourself!
Power Shifts, Old and New
Wednesday’s NY Times had a good essay by Thomas Friedman on the current evolution of the global distribution of power. He argues that there are actually three shifts taking place:

The first shift is due to our “oil addiction”:
Let’s start with the most profound one: More and more, I am convinced that the big foreign policy failure that will be pinned on this administration is not the failure to make Iraq work, as devastating as that has been. It will be one with much broader balance-of-power implications — the failure after 9/11 to put in place an effective energy policy…

The failure of Mr. Bush to fully mobilize the most powerful innovation engine in the world — the U.S. economy — to produce a scalable alternative to oil has helped to fuel the rise of a collection of petro-authoritarian states — from Russia to Venezuela to Iran — that are reshaping global politics in their own image.
The second main shift isn’t so much about our self-imposed weakness due to oil consumption, but the rise of other states due to the changes in their societies. Friedman cites to Fareed Zakaria’s new book, The Post-American World:
Mr. Zakaria’s central thesis is that while the U.S. still has many unique assets, “the rise of the rest” — the Chinas, the Indias, the Brazils and even smaller nonstate actors — is creating a world where many other countries are slowly moving up to America’s level of economic clout and self-assertion, in every realm…

For too long, argues Zakaria, America has taken its many natural assets — its research universities, free markets and diversity of human talent — and assumed that they will always compensate for our low savings rate or absence of a health care system or any strategic plan to improve our competitiveness.

“That was fine in a world when a lot of other countries were not performing,” argues Zakaria, but now the best of the rest are running fast, working hard, saving well and thinking long term. “They have adopted our lessons and are playing our game,” he said. If we don’t fix our political system and start thinking strategically about how to improve our competitiveness, he added, “the U.S. risks having its unique and advantageous position in the world erode as other countries rise.”
The third shift, described in David Rothkopf’s book Superclass (see Peter’s take on it here) describes the rise in power of
a small group of players — “the superclass” — a new global elite, who are much better suited to operating on the global stage and influencing global outcomes than the vast majority of national political leaders.

Some of this new elite “are from business and finance,” says Rothkopf. “Some are members of a kind of shadow elite — criminals and terrorists. Some are masters of new or traditional media; some are religious leaders, and a few are top officials of those governments that do have the ability to project their influence globally.”
None of this is especially new. Think of the fears of the rise of OPEC in the 1970's or the discussion of American relative decline in the 1980's (spurred, in part, by the publication of The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers and more generally by the economic rise of Japan) and even Friedman's own essays on "super-empowered individuals" in the 1990's.

Noting that these ideas are not new is not to criticize Friedman. To the contrary, he recognizes that simply because some issues fall in and out of vogue (oil dependency, for example) does not change the fact that they affect global power day in and day out. Each of these three trends played a role in the distribution of power in decades past and they continue to do so today. Besides looking for what is new in international politics, it is important to reiterate the fundamentals. Especially if they still have not been addressed in any meaningful sense by policymakers.
I'm Holding Out for a Subaru Sandinista...
My colleagues have often discussed the dangers of globalization in these pages. Nevertheless, I fear they have overlooked one of the most pernicious: embarrassing car names. There are 2,261 different written languages in the world, essentially guaranteeing that at least some car names will mean something untoward in one of them. Witness the Ford Pinto, Portuguese slang for "penis." The Opel Ascona, which refers to female genitalia in Northern Spain and parts of Portugal. The Buick LaCrosse, which refers to masturbation in Quebec. The Mitsibushi Pajero, which again refers to masturbation, this time in Spanish-speaking countries. The Mazda LaPuta, Spanish slang for "whore." The Toyota Fiera, an ugly old woman in Puerto Rico. And, of course, the Honda Fitta, since renamed simply the Fit, which is Swedish slang for the dreaded C-word.

It's not a sexual reference, but the embarrassing car name club has a new member: the Volkswagen Touareg, an SUV whose name comes from the French nickname for the Tuareg people of Northern Africa. From the New York Times:
Tuareg rebels attacked an army camp in northeastern Mali and 17 rebels and 15 soldiers were killed in one of the bloodiest clashes to date in a revolt by the desert insurgents, the government said on Thursday.

Military officers said the scale of the rebel attack late Tuesday and early Wednesday against the garrison at Abebara, 150 km (90 miles) from Kidal, was a worrying escalation of the Tuareg revolt that has hit Mali's northeast Saharan region.

"They were two, three times more numerous than on previous occasions. We think it's a coalition of all the rebel bands," said one officer, who asked not to be named.

He added it was also believed the attackers included nomadic fighters from neighboring Niger, where a Tuareg-led revolt over the last year has killed more than 70 government soldiers, mainly in attacks in Niger's northern uranium mining zone.

[snip]

Peace agreements after the 1990s rebellions aimed to grant Tuareg communities a greater degree of autonomy while at the same time integrating former fighters into the national army and promoting Tuareg politicians.

But since the start of last year, Tuaregs in Niger and Mali have taken up arms again, motivated by shared resentment against unsolved grievances and what they see as unwarranted interference in their traditional territories by government armies and foreign companies.

Keenan said many of the raids by the Malian rebels were in direct response to operations in the northeast Saharan zone by a Malian government army backed and trained by the United States as part of Washington's war on terror.

"The last thing the Niger and Mali governments can admit is that there is a genuine political revolt going on," said Keenan, who is about to publish a new book called "The Dark Sahara: America's war on terror in Africa."

Keenan said that rather than conceding political legitimacy to the Tuareg unrest, the Niger and Mali authorities preferred to portray it as falling under a wider campaign to fight terrorism and Islamic extremism in the Sahara, for which their militaries received U.S. training.
The Tuareg are the furthest thing from terrorists. Still, something tells me that "bloody insurgency" is the last image Volkswagen wants people to associate with their SUV...

Monday, May 19, 2008

Europe's Untouchables
They number at least 12,000,000, though a precise count is impossible because many governments refuse to consider them a legitimate category for census purposes. They suffer serious and widespread employment discrimination, especially their women, leading to unemployment rates often 6-8 times greater than the countries in which they live. They are sequestered in dangerous, environmentally-degraded slums, surviving in substandard housing that often lacks basic necessities like electricity, light, sanitation, heat, and potable water. Their children often receive no education, and those that do are normally placed in segregated — and vastly inferior — "remedial" schools. They receive substandard health care, if they receive any at all, and as a result have a high infant mortality rate and appallingly short average life expectancies. They often lack access to the basic personal documents they need to secure their rights, such as birth certificates, local residence permits, and passports.

They are the Roma, Europe's own underclass.

Most of the time they are simply ignored, even though the country in which their life is arguably the most difficult — newly-independent Kosovo — is only an hour by plane from Zurich. And when they aren't ignored, they often wish they were. Witness what recently took place in Italy:
SMOKE rose yesterday from the smouldering ruins of a Gypsy camp attacked by vigilantes in a run-down industrial suburb of Naples in the shadow of Mount Vesuvius.

The charred remains of the makeshift wooden shacks, mattresses and belongings at the site in Ponticelli crunched underfoot. Dogs scavenged through a pile of uncollected rubbish nearby.

Police guarded another squalid "nomad camp" beneath an overpass after the inhabitants fled during the night to avoid meeting a similar fate. Signs of their flight were everywhere, with doors to shacks left open and the ground strewn with clothing, shoes, bicycles, plastic bottles, pots and pans and children's toys.

[snip]

In Rome, where Gianni Alemanno, the new right-wing Mayor, has vowed to dismantle "nomad camps" to reduce street crime, police raided a Roma camp, taking the inhabitants by bus to detention centres. Mr Alemanno has promised to deport 20,000 illegal immigrants.

But in Naples local people pre-empted the crackdown and took the law into their own hands. Scores of youths on scooters and motorbikes wielded iron bars and threw Molotov cocktails at the Roma shanty towns. Their anger came to a head after a 17-year-old Roma girl entered a flat in Ponticelli and apparently tried to steal a six-month-old girl. The child's mother and neighbours gave chase and the teenager escaped being lynched only after police moved in.

Naples erupted in fury, with women leading the marches on the Roma camps to the chant of "Fuori, fuori" ("Out, out") and "Go home, dirty child stealers". Young men, allegedly on the orders of the Camorra, the Naples Mafia, set the sites ablaze, blocking attempts by the fire brigade to put out the fires. Exploding gas canisters completed the destruction. The women jeered at the firemen, shouting: "You put the fires out, we start them again."

Hundreds of Roma families fled for their lives, their belongings piled on to small pick-up trucks or handcarts. Some have been taken under police protection. Others have found refuge at Roma camps elsewhere in the Campania region, while a few have been taken in by Naples residents shocked at the outbreak of xenophobia.

The arson attacks come from festering anger over rising crime and urban degradation, much of it blamed on Roma gypsies and the estimated half a million Romanians who have emigrated to Italy since Romania joined the European Union. The Roma rights group Opera Nomadi says there are 2500 Roma in Naples, 1000 from Romania and 1500 from Balkan areas.
It's an old story: demonize the victims — accusations of baby stealing? In 2008? — and then blame them for their own mistreatment. Unfortunately, it's a story that is all too common: not only do 68% of Italians want all of the Roma expelled from their country, 79% of Czechs and even 68% of Germans feel the same way about their own Roma populations. Percentages in many other European countries would no doubt be similar.

On the bright side, the world community has not completely ignored the events in Rome and Naples. Spain criticized Italy's crackdown on the Roma in no uncertain terms, stating that it "rejects violence, racism, and xenophobia." Similarly, the OSCE's Office of Democratic Institutions and Human Rights quickly issued a press release that "called on the Italian authorities to ensure the protection of the Roma population and urged politicians and the media to refrain from anti-Roma rhetoric."

It is also worth noting that Roma recently won an important legal victory at the European Court of Human Rights. In D.H. and Others v. The Czech Republic, eighteen Roma children from Ostrava brought a complaint against the Czech Republic alleging that their segregation in "special" schools for students deemed "mentally deficient" constituted degrading treatment under Article 3 of the ECHR and represented a racially-discriminatory denial of their rights to education, in violation of Article 14 and Article 2 of Protocol 1. In a landmark decision, the Court held in favor of the Roma children:
On 13 November 2007 the Grand Chamber held by 13 votes to four that there had been a violation of Article 14 (prohibition of discrimination) of the European Convention on Human Rights read in conjunction with Article 2 of Protocol No. 1 (right to education). The decision's cornerstone finding was that the prejudicial impact of the special school system on the Roma children applicants was unlawful discrimination in violation of fundamental rights guaranteed by the European Convention. However, perhaps the most groundbreaking element of the Court's decision was that it explicitly embraced the principle of indirect discrimination, upholding the principle that a prima facie allegation of discrimination shifts the burden to the defendant state to prove that any difference in treatment is not discriminatory. This ruling places interpretation of the European Convention in consonance with the standards set out in the European Union's Directives on burden of proof in cases involving sex and race discrimination and discrimination in employment on diverse grounds.
The complaint in D.H. and Others was brought by a superb NGO, the European Roma Rights Centre. I urge all of our readers to consider getting involved with the ERRC, or with Roma issues generally. The existence of a European underclass is bad enough. Not doing anything to improve its existence is simply unacceptable.

For a heartbreaking, and all too typical, video of Roma refugees living on the municipal dump in Belgrade, unable to return safely to their homes in Kosovo, see here.

HAT-TIP: Una Hardester, an Outreach Coordinator with the Trafficking Victim Services Program at the remarkable US Committee for Refugees and Immigrants.

Sunday, May 18, 2008

In Second Life, a Virtual Darfur is Patrolled by a Virtual Green Lantern Corps

Having grown up on Green Lantern comics (and having one friend quip that she thinks that explains my becoming an international lawyer), I was nonetheless somewhat stunned to come across the following on Wagner James Au’s New World Notes blog, which covers the evolution of Second Life, the online “virtual world”:
Second Life has a Darfur, so it’s sad (though not surprising) that it has its own janjaweed, too.

Activists recently built a virtual world information site on a private island called Better World, to raise awareness of the ongoing ethnic cleansing in Sudan. Called “Camp Darfur”, it features the recreation of a refugee tent city with a tiny campfire, and large display photos of the real thing, where the tents seem to go on for miles.

Shortly after it was unveiled, however, the place was hit by griefers [vandals and hackers]. The first marauder found an exploit in the Camp’s building method, and used that to raze the place to the ground, strewing tents and images of refugees everywhere. According to Zeke Poutine, officer in the "Not on our watch" Darfur activist group, he shouted racial slurs while he trashed it. The Camp was rebuilt, but copycat attacks by others followed.

But if Camp Darfur has its janjaweed, it has its guardians, too. For shortly after the raids began, a Better World visitor who’d learned a lot about Sudan’s genocide from the Camp called a group of his to the island, to offer their protection.

And that’s why Camp Darfur is now under the vigilant eye of the Green Lantern Core [sic — they have chosen to be “core” rather than “corps”], a band of superheroes who patrol Second Life with masks, tights, and magic lamps.

Au interviewed some members of the Green Lanterns as well as the folks who put together the Darfur site.
Zeke Poutine isn’t sure the attacks on their websites and their Second Life site are related, or if they’re politically motivated. “Who knows? Some people just do stuff because they can,” she muses. “'Cause they have issues? ‘Cause they don't like Africans?”

"It doesn't sound like they just did it for fun," Matador observes. “It's a hate crime.”

When the attacks first began, the Green Lantern Core helped them secure the Camp. Their lead officer Jeff Beckenbauer built a security script that scans the identity of avatars who visit, and showed the Better World owners how to read it. Jeremy patrols the island in the morning, and Matador at other times, as do other Core members.

In the beginning, they tell me, the GLC was founded by Cid Jacobs as a way to show off devices and builds inspired by the Green Lantern comic. From there it evolved into a roleplaying group, with members pretending to “patrol” sectors of Second Life. This began as fun, but lately it’s started to involve monitoring actual violations of Community Standards and Terms of Service-- the live and let live rules of conduct that Linden Lab [the company that runs Second Life] has its subscribers agree to, when they get an account.

“It's unfortunately turned into a lot of watching for CS/TOS violations,” KallfuNahuel Matador acknowledges. “The roleplay aspect kinda fell to the wayside. Certainly it started as a group of fans of a comic book, but it's grown and growing into something more.”

In this, one sees trend for the future of Second Life-- as the world grows ever larger, the sheer population size will make it impossible for Linden staff to meaningfully regulate it. Into this gap will rise neighborhood watch groups and private security forces, acting as the first line of defense while citizens wait for the Lindens to arrive.
[Emphases added]
This story is interesting on multiple levels. First, it is another example of how Second Life is used as a means of organizing activism, in this case the work of Darfur activists. (But see this follow-up post concerning “cyberutopianism.")

The rise of the Second Life Green Lanterns also points out how communities begin to generate similar structures in response to common problems. Here, online vandals/ maurauders are destroying the hard work of the activists, so the Second Life community has organized its own police force—one that uses the symbols of science fiction but enforce very real contractual obligations (the Terms of Service agreements of Second Life users). And yes, I also find it interesting that when virtual Darfur needed help the symbol of choice was not Blue Helmets but Green Lanterns.

And, along those lines, there are also some interesting implications on the “law and literature” side, especially as one blogger put it, concerning science fiction as the literature of the refugee.

I highly recommend reading the rest of Au’s post.

If only the real Darfur had such a simple solution. And, no, I don’t mean the Green Lantern Theory of Geopolitics. (Matthew Yglesias should know better—George Bush is no Hal Jordan. Guy Gardner, maybe.)

Hat Tip: io9